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AN 



ADDRESS 



DELIVERED IN PHILADELPHIA, 



JULY 4, 1826. 



BY GEORGE POTTS, 

PASTOR OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 
NATCHEZ. 



PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

Printed by Ckrk S^ Raser, 33 Carter's^ Alleij. 
1826. 



I JSoLo 






TO THE REV. GEORGE POTTS. 

Dear Brother, 

Allow us to request the publication of the Address vvhicfi 
you delivered on the fourth of the present month, in the Se- 
venth Presbyterian Church of this city. AVe know you did 
not prepare the Address with this view. But we think it 
contains matter worthy of the public eye, and we liope the 
publication may be useful, in promoting ?i religions observance 
of our national festival, instead of that merely noisy, intem- 
perate and profane celebration — if celebration it may be call- 
ed — which has too often been witnessed in our country. 

AsHBEL Green, 
John H. Kennedy, 
Wm. L. M^Calla, 
J. J. Janeway, 
W.M. M. Engles. 
Philadelphia, July Slst, 1826. 



A FEW passages in the following Address, were omitted in 
ihe delivery. After having resisted several solicitations to 
make the Address public, — nothing could have induced the 
consent of the writer, to its publication, but the request of his 
Brethren, and tiie motives which they suggested. If this 
humble attempt, should succeed so far, as to exhibit the pro- 
priety of a religious celebration of the great Anniversary, the 
writer will be content. 



lo 



It is natural to man, to value that most, which 
is obtained at the greatest individual cost. As a 
consequence of this disposition, we often suffer 
our recollections of the past, to become faded 
and indistinct, and our thoughts of the future, in- 
frequent and languid, — while we are deeply im- 
mersed in the personal concerns of the present. 

When we say that experience proves this to 
be, a disposition natural to man, — we are far 
from allowing that it is commendable: it is ra- 
ther, an ignoble, — because a selfisli trait of hu- 
man character, — this absorption in present, in- 
dividual concerns. Nowhere are its tendencies, 
more evil, and therefore, more to be deprecated, 
than in the case before us; — never does a fre- 
quent recurrence to the past become a more sa- 
cred duty, — than upon that occasion which has 
called us together to-day. To God, and to our 
forefathers, we owe our grateful remembrances, 
of that outpouring of blood, those hard fought 
battles, those dearly earned victories, those toils 

B 



and dangers, — in consequence ot which, we are 
what we are, this day, — a nation, whose privi- 
leges are so numerous, so stable, and so uni- 
versally diffused, that, like bread and water, 
many of them have come to be considered 
among the necessaries of life, least valued, be- 
cause most common. 

To prevent in some degi'ee, this unworthy 
forgetfidness, to which we have alluded, it has 
ever been considered an useful device, to set 
apart stated periods, for the special commemo- 
ration of great events. We take advantage of 
this principle of association, and lay before you a 
few reflections, which the recurrence of this An- 
niversary naturally suggests, and which we hope 
will prove useful to us, — especially in our rela- 
tions as American, Cliristian patriots. The num- 
berless and undeserved blessings, which we en- 
joy, surely lay us under obligation to God, — and 
inasmuch as these blessings were, through his 
good providence, immediately consequent upon 
the events of our Revolution, it speaks little for 
our patriotism, aye, more than that — ^it speaks 
less for our Christianity, if we can cease to re- 
gard them with admiration and gratitude, — or 
turn away Irom the theme, as if it were either 
improper or unprofitable. 



It is scarcely necessary, in this assembly, to in- 
sist upon the comparative propriety and duty, 
of some such celebration of this Anniversary, as 
that in which we are novr engaged. The day, 
we confess it with shame, has been too generally 
neglected by American Christians. It has been 
suffered too long to remain, without any public 
demonstration of their peculiar gratitude. On 
the contrary, we cannot conceal the fact, that it 
has been grossly burlesqued and disgraced, at 
least in a considerable degree, by that spurious 
patriotism, which thinks there can be no pa- 
triotic joy where there is no noisy merriment, — 
no gratitude which is unaccompanied with curses 
against enemies, or extravagant praises of the 
dead, who, could they rise, would be ashamed of 
their encomiasts, — and no love of liberty, but 
tliat which is inspu^ed by whiskey, or the more 
genteel wine-cup. To a dignified expression of 
clieeiful feeling, we pretend not to object; our 
remarks are directed against tlie well-known, 
and lamentable degradation of a day, which 
brings with it so many high-minded associations. 
The evils which have attended its celebration, 
defy estimate, and loudly call upon the reflect- 
ing and truly patriotic, for vigorous attempts at 
a national reformation. Surely, it is no grati- 



tude toward the achievers of our Independence, 
under God, to polkite their names by mixing 
them with profanity, or by invoking them from 
the midst of unmeaning revehy, — and it is a 
poor return to God, — the giver and guardian of 
our blessings, to insult his laws. 

We are happy, therefore, to hail it as an aus- 
picious omen, not only for religion's sake, but 
for the sake of pure patriotism also, — tliat a dis- 
position has been shown, on the part of many of 
our citizens, to redeem this glorious Anniversary 
from the follies and vices, which have alas! too 
commonly accompanied it, and to celebrate it in 
a manner which better befits its ti'ue character 
for importance and solemnity. The God of Na- 
tions, by whose allowance " Bangs reign, and 
Princes decree justice," — and -who executeth 
judgment for the oppressed,'' — was it not he, who 
fi'om the beginning, did inspire within the heart 
of man, the desire of freedom, which has been 
rightly termed heaven-born, and rightly consi- 
dered our richest possession, next to the hope 
of eternal happiness? — When power was arrayed 
against justice, when the sacred territory of hu- 
man rights was invaded, when life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness, — those unalienable gifts 
of Him, who is "higher than the highest," — 



seemed ready to fall a prey to a grasping and 
merciless ambition, and when all that stood op- 
posed to the Ml grown power of our adversary, 
was the very weakness of infency, — who was it, 
that prospered the cause of righteousness, and. 
although unseen and silent, smiled upon the ap- 
parently hopeless efforts of our fathers, crowned 
them with glorious success, and entailed upon 
us, their children, indescribable blessing? Is it 
not right and just, to acknowledge this kind 
hand; to lift up to the throne of Almighty God, 
our sacrifice of thanksgiving; to declare our con- 
viction, that his continued smile is our best secu- 
rity for time to come; and therefore, to invoke 
his future mercy, upon the land, which he has al- 
ready fostered, through a vigorous infancy? 

There seems, indeed, to exist a very general 
distrust of any inteiference in matters of a civil 
or political nature, in respect to the ministers of 
Religion. Permit upon this point a few re- 
marks, which may be now, appropriately made. 

However unfounded such a distrust as that to 
which we have alluded, may be, (and we verily 
beheve it is unfounded) we nevertheless feel 
ready to condemn as strenuously as any one, — 
their public or even frequent private interference 
with the particulars of the national or state po- 



10 

litics. And why? Because the minister of Christ 
has other work to do. He has been made the 
herald of a Master, " whose kingdom is not of 
this world," and whose claims upon the allegi- 
ance and homage of mankind, remain firm and 
unchangeable, amidst all the confusion and revo- 
lution of the world's affairs. To urge these 
claims, is his great business. But, notwithstand- 
ing this, it should not be forgotten, that as a man, 
especially as a Christian man, he has rights, un- 
alienable and important to him, as a member of 
the social compact ; and that even in his official 
capacity, he is bound to open not only the Book 
of Grace, but the Book of Providence also, and 
to vindicate and set forth to our admiration the 
doings of Him, 

" From whose right hand, beneath whose eyes, 
All period, power, and enterprise, 
Commences, reigns, and ends." 

In every change of empire, while the thrones of 
kings totter, and fall, and rise again, — in every 
turning of the vast, complicated, sublime ma- 
chinery, there is the presence of a master hand. 
The maxims of Christianity, change not with the 
changes of the world: from the beginning of 
time to this day, — there never was a period 
when it was not true, that " the Lord God, om- 



11 

nipotent and just reigneth," and that « righteous- 
ness exalteth a nation, but sin is the reproach 
and will be the ruin of any people." These are 
topics that befit the house of God, and the assem- 
bly of his people. In the treatment of them, the 
judicious servant of Christ, will be ready to point 
out their verification, in the conduct of king- 
doms, and especially in such events, as this da} 
calls to our remembrance. He will never set 
himself down to measure the merits of contend- 
ing candidates for ofiice, or attempt the adjust- 
ment of those contests which originate in a petty 
ambition: but this he may and will do: he will 
ask your gratitude for God, while he recounts 
your blessings, urges their magnitude, and points 
to the struggles through which they were obtain- 
ed. On all questions of pohtical morality, on 
all occasions, where the lives and liberties of his 
fellow creatures are jeoparded, he wHl, as did 
many of his ministerial fathers before him, — 
boldly elevate his voice, and deem it no over- 
stepping of the limits of his official duty, to hold 
up unjust aggression to the abhorrence of all who 
hear him, and according to his ability, arouse 
and encourage resistance, against the demands 
and doings of unhallowed ambition. 
Inasmuch therefore, as the religion and mora* 



\2 

lity of the Gospel, have relation not only to the 
personal safety and comfort of individuals, for the 
life that is to come, but also to tlieir connexions 
with their fellow-men, in the life that now is, — 
we may safely determine upon the propriety of 
an association between Religion and Patriotism 
upon this memorable occasion. Questions come 
before us, which intimately concern us as men 
and as Christians; it is the privilege, the right, 
the duty of all who are interested, ministers 
of Christ, as well as others, to employ all their 
influence, speedily, openly, and energetically, 
in the support and defence of our glorious 
institutions. — Thus did many of our fathers 
during the struggles of our revolution, and to the 
happy issue, their efforts were not a little condu- 
cive. 

If we have dwelt too long upon this topic, we 
trust, the novelty of our situation, will plead our 
excuse. We turn now, to the more immediate 
consideration of the subjects, which this occasion 
suggests. 

But we are forced to hesitate upon the thresh- 
hold of the mighty theme : upon what point in 
the unbounded field wliich stretches around us, 
shall we commence our feeble attempt: — the 



13 

past — ^the present — the future, crowd upon our 
thoughts, eacli claiming superior attention and 
admiration: each forming a subject, to the treat- 
ment of which, we are fain to profess ourselves 
entirely unequal. 

Do we look toward the persons and events, 
which were presented upon the theatre of past 
times? — let it be as learners in the great school 
of practical wisdom, the school of experience ; — 
and as admirers of that majestic current of hu- 
man events, which then had its rise, and is now 
sweeping us along in its onward course to futu- 
rity. Is it not our duty to remember God, and 
the fathers of our Independence ? 

Do we turn our eyes upon the present? let it 
be in connexion with the past, that we may put 
a proper estimate upon our privileges, and learn 
why we should be a grateful, humble, and happy 
people. Here also we would ascertam what is 
the kind and degree of personal influence which 
duty calls upon us, to cast into the stream of pub- 
lic opinion. 

Do we look toward the interesting future^ as 
every wise and good man should ? — let it be, to 
learn our duties to posterity. We should exa- 
mine the probable results of present events, and 
endeavour to dispose their course, so that their 

c 



It 

evil tendencies upon future generations may be 
cliecked, — and that they may issue in the great- 
est amount of good to our children and our chil- 
dren's children, that, "when they rise, they may 
call us blessed." 

From this wide field of observation, we can 
select a few topics only: confident however, that 
we cannot go far wrong in the selection, since 
every subject which stands related to our beloved 
countiy, must possess an interest in the eyes of 
every American. 

It is a narrow minded Christianity, which does 
not often recal, and that too, with no common 
feelings of gratitude and joy, those events and 
persons, whicli in the good providence of God, 
w ere made the channels of our richest blessings. 
It is a Christian duty, full of awful yet pleasura- 
ble considerations, to think of the events of the 
world, as controlled and directed of God: to look 
on, as wave succeeds wave in the great ocean of 
human aft airs: to reflect that there is not an in- 
dividual action, which does not bear upon gene- 
ral interests, and which is not intended for the 
wisest purposes; and that even from war, the 
scourge of sin, as well as its off*spring, are educed 
some great objects, whose bearings, although we 
may not be able to tell how or why it is so, — 



15 

shall affect the temporal, and in many cases the 
eternal interests of man. 

No series of events, I am ready to assert, with 
an assurance of being believed, claims more de- 
served attention of this sort, than that of which 
this day reminds us. A half century has now 
passed away, since the birth of freedom, upon 
the continent of America; an occurrence, which, 
taking all things into view, may well be said to 
have formed a division line, between the past and 
the future, and to have constituted a new and 
grand era in the histoiy of man. 

The origin of such civil and political institu- 
tions as those which we now possess in so much 
tranquillity, and with so blessed a promise of 
permanence, — is the more interesting, when we 
consider the untoward circumstances, from the 
midst of which they rose. To those institutions, 
the previous spirit and fundamental principles of 
the European governments were opposed: unless 
we may except to this remark, the individual 
case of England, in wliich the principles of repre- 
sentation, and rehgious toleration, existed at least 
in some degree We may add to this, the unfor- 
tunate issue of all former risings of the Spirit of 
Liberty, in opposition to the long-established do- 
minion of tyranny. Our own Revolution, dear 



16 

to us, as now are the blessings which flow from 
it, had it proved unsuccessful, would have served, 
only to swell the list of the numberless attempts 
of a sunilar nature, whicb, because they failed, 
are looked upon by the world, as rash and pre- 
mature, or as indications of the impracticable na- 
ture of repubhcan principles. And indeed, it 
wanted not much of just such a fate. Wlien we 
compare the strength and resources of Great 
Britain, and all tlie power wliich her colonies 
could muster, we may well liken it, to the arm of 
a full-grown and muscular man, and feeble child- 
hood; and when the fii'st gun was fii'ed, which 
put war between the child, and its unnatural pro- 
tector, the sound indeed echoed through the 
world, the generous and bi'ave, pronounced tlie 
effort, just and noble, — but all predicted that it 
would prove fruitless. 

Tlie event proved such predictions mistaken, 
although so well founded in all appearance. 
True, we were without a navy to protect our 
coasts, while our enemy was at that moment, as 
she still is, the greatest maritime power of the 
world : — we had none but an undisciplmed army 
of militia ; our enemy could pour in upon us, her 
legions of veteran officers and soldiers, — and 
thus, as to physical force, the prospect of a sue- 



17 

cessful Revolution, was indeed a faint one. But 
in spite of these unpromising circumstances, the 
victory was ours: and this was the token of suc- 
cess, this which turned the scale in our favour: 
from the one end of our land to the other, there 
was heard, as it were from heaven, a voice which 
called upon the continental statesmen and gene- 
rals and ministers of religion and hardy soldiery, 
to come forth and do battle in the most sacred 
of all causes, — ^the cause of justice, of freedom, 
of independence ; and there was soon stirred up, 
a spirit which required something more than 
the arms and subsidies of the oppressor, to de- 
stroy. 

The war thus commenced, was strictly de- 
fensive: it originated in the injustice of those, 
from whom we had a right to look for protec- 
tion, and not oppression. Grievances had been 
borne, until they were no longer tolerable: an 
unjust and destructive policy was discovered, in 
exorbitant demands upon a people who had no 
voice in the national legislature: what was to be 
done? In accordance witli the mild and pacific 
precepts of Christianity, the oppressed asked as 
a boon, what was theirs as a right ; they had re- 
course to reasoning, to entreaty, and to appeals 
to the generosity and even compassion of theii- 



18 

oppressors. Again, what was to be done? theii 
entreaty and expostulation were met with un- 
bending pride and contumely: their prayer for 
redress was spurned : instead of being righted, 
the power upon whom they acknowledged de- 
pendance, manifested an intention to alienate still 
further, those things without which, life is mise- 
rable: the Christian law of reciprocity between 
nation and nation was utterly disregarded: — who 
then will deny that they owed it to themselves, 
to their posterity, and to the hallowed principles 
of justice, to show their sense of the grievous in- 
juries they had sustained, — to unfurl the standard 
of opposition, or rebellion as it was then called, 
and to guard by force what could not be guard- 
ed by entreaty, praying the while, that God 
would show the right. 

Never contest was commenced upon more 
hallowed principles, — never was the plea of ne- 
cessity urged with greater truth. Acting upon 
such principles, and under such a plea, America 
"obtained help of God." He raised up in her 
behalf, gallant defenders: especially did he give 
her a Captain for her armies, whose character 
was a singular combination of excellencies, such 
as seldom fall to the lot of one individual: upon 
his undaunted enterprise, unwearied zeal, pure 



19 

principle, and bright example, depend in a gi-eat 
degi'ee, the present excellency and solidity of 
our institutions. With such a leader, — aided by 
men after his own heart, success crowned the 
eflforts of the weaker: in vain were our borders, 
on one side, attacked by savages, — on the other 
by mercenaries, — in vain did fleets Une our 
coasts, — and armies ravage our country, — in 
spite of the difficulties of extensive and close co- 
operation over so wide a territory as ours, in 
spite of cold, nakedness an4 hunger, — a poor, 
oppressed and obscure collection of colonies, 
which had grown up through neglect, and diffi- 
culties, and had never before emerged from in- 
significance, — came forth in the view of men, 
with armies and statesmen, whose wisdom, mo- 
deration, bravery and perseverance, claimed the 
admiration of the world. 

In recalling these circumstances, we disclaim 
any intention to foster the jealousies, which have 
too long existed between America and the peo- 
ple from whom her revolution separated her. 
God forbid! The contest is over: the sounds of 
the battle are dying away upon our ears, and it 
becomes us to cherish those mutual feelings of 
respect and friendship, which begin to charac- 
terize our connexion. But we may be allowed 



20 

to revert to the past with feelings of honest gra- 
tulation, that our Revokition was not com- 
menced or earned on in injustice: that our de- 
mands were reasonable, our aim honourable, 
and the means employed, justifiable. Besides 
this — when in vindicating the necessity and jus- 
tice of the great enterprise, we are obliged to 
condemn the injustice of the measures which 
rendered it necessary, we can do so, without be- 
ing suspected of the unchristian intention, of stir- 
ring up, the now slumbering spirit of discord, 
since we pretend not to identify that government 
as it once was, and as it now is. We recal the 
circumstances of revolutionary times, because 
we would discharge a debt — a debt of gratitude, 
which we owe to God, and to our gallant fathers, 
who expended the vigour of their strength, and 
poured forth their best blood, in the purchase of 
our great blessings. This Jubilee of Freedom, 
tells us of battles fought, and battles won, — of 
statesmen, ministers of Christ, and brave gene- 
rals and soldiers, upon whose wise legislation, 
constant zeal, and intrepid and well directed en- 
ergies, — as the instruments of Providence, was 
made to depend the long catalogue of our civil 
and religious privileges; and we must say, — that 
being better to man, than his best life's blood. 



21 

they call so loudly for gratitude, tliat he is not 
an American Christian, w ho can listen to the ap- 
peal with apatliy. 

But time constrains us to hasten onward, in 
Our considerations. We liave given a feeble but 
a filial tribute of affection, to those brave spirits, 
by whom was laid the foundation stone in the 
temple of freedom. Never would we, their de- 
scendants, forget their toils, their blood, their dis- 
interested sacrifices of wealth and ease, their ar- 
dent love for the cause of Independence, — ^be- 
cause it is through these that tlie United States 
of North America, have reached their pre-emi- 
nence of civil and religious liberty. 

The experiment of a government, the control 
of w hich shall remain m the hands of the go- 
verned, has now^ been fully and successfldly made, 
and the past fifty years, are on that account 
rendered remarkable ui the annals of the world. 
The present peace, union and prosperity of the 
United States, — a parallel to which is nowhere 
to be found, since men were first formed into 
bodies politic, — may be appealed to with confi- 
dence, as a triumphant refutation of those theo- 
ries of government, which have hitherto prevail- 
ed in the old world, to a greater or lesser de- 

D 



22 

gree. We have satisfactorily demonstrated, tliat 
perfect order and stability may characterize a 
government, in which there is no com!)ination of 
Church and State; and that the political power 
may be safely trusted to the care of those from 
whom it really emanates, the sovereign people. 
And thus has been practically exemplified, that 
true and beautiful theory of human rights, so long 
and so ardently admired by the good and libe- 
rally minded of all nations, — tlie theory which 
makes all men " free and equal." 

It is very obvious, that a powerful impulse has 
been given to the world, within a century and a 
half, the effects of which though partial, have 
been highly important and beneficial. One, and 
the best of its results, was the diffusion of cor- 
rect sentiments upon t]ie subject of civil liberty. 
The spirit of reform, which had been so long, 
and alas ! so successfully held in abeyance, by its 
antagonist, the spirit of ])lind veneration for what- 
ever is old, — (a veneration too which has most 
commonly attached itself to the corruptions ra- 
ther than to the excellencies of ancient times,) 
the spirit of reform, which has ever been the 
dread of despots, and tlie detestation of the cor- 
rupt, — at last lifted up its voice, in behalf of the 
pure principles of human right. Inquiry was 



2S 

excited, knowledge diffused, and a wild impa- 
tience aroused in the hearts of men, to rid them- 
selves of the abuses to which they had long sub- 
mitted in bhndness. The kings of the earth, 
heard its whisperings with terror, and with still 
greater terror, beheld the convulsions whicli it 
every where threatened and in some places ac- 
tually originated. If the political risings to which 
we allude, were attended in some instances, with 
evil consequences, — there was still not a little of 
good, real good produced from them. The re- 
volutions of France, of Spain, of Greece and af 
the vast continents of America, show us to what 
extent the new impulse was felt, — and how ut- 
terly impossible it is, for correct knowledge and 
despotism, to maintain a peaceful union, and 
walk together in friendship. 

But notwithstanding the good effects of these 
Revolutions, — they have been heretofore partial 
as it respects the old world : the diseases of age, 
yield very slowly to remedies. When we look 
over that mteresting portion of the globe, — we 
are constrained to acknowledge that the circula- 
tion of knowledge among tlie mass of the com- 
munity is still imperfect, and inadequate to any 
permanent reform. The supreme will of the 
government still meets with a blind acquiescence 



24 

on the part of the people: the doctrine of legiti- 
macy is still preached: under the pretext of 
union for the preservation of peace, the rulers 
have taken counsel, and banded together, for the 
support of despotism against the liberties of man- 
kind: — as it has been strikingly said by another, 
they have aimed to eftect a '' horizontal division 
of society," — with all tlie kings and emperors 
above, and all the people in subjection below. 
England is the only exception worth naming, to 
the general remark, that whatever of practical 
liberty is enjoyed in Europe, is buUt upon no 
other fundamental law, than the law of the mo- 
narch's will. And if this be so, it is but too true 
(as one of those monarchs, lately deceased, re- 
marked) — that a good, that is, an unambitious 
and moderate and liberal ruler, is, in regard to 
the people he governs, nothing better than a 
" happy accident."* 

Can that be said, fellow Americans,— can that 
be said of the rulers of our own country? (the 
contrasts we shall now make, are meant, not to 
foster pride, but to excite gratitude.) Has it 

* It is said that the celebrated Madame de Statil remarked to the late- 
Emperor of Russia, that his character was a sufficient constitution for his 
people : — when he replied, that in that case, he must regard himself only ae 
t^ happy accident. — Whether he were even a happy accident, is doubtful. 



ever been necessary to prevent the fiee discus- 
sion of public measures? or interfere legislative- 
ly, with the free press? — Are the liberties we 
enjoy, guaranteed to us by written laws, which 
can be changed only by the voice of the people, 
— or are they dependant upon the will of a sin- 
gle man? Show me where in all the compass 
of our laws, or by prescription, it is declared 
that lords spiritual and temporal, are a part 
of the constitution? — Where do we hear it ar- 
gued that the governed have not a right to se- 
lect their governors, and representatives? Where 
is it true that the representation, — "vox et 
prseterea niliil" — is any thing but a correct re- 
presentation of the "interests, opinions, and 
feelings" of the country? — Wliere are there pri- 
vileged orders rolling in wealth and luxury, 
while the ignoble poor, the hard-working pea- 
santry and manufacturers are dying from star- 
vation? Above all, a question of still deeper in- 
terest, whei'e does an estabUshed religion, claim 
from all, whether A^illing or unwilling, a tythe of 
their earnings? where is dissent, purchased by 
the loss of privileges ? 

To these and similar queries, God be praised, 
we can answer with the emphasis of tmth, "Not 
in America." 



2i) 

We cannot here refrain from noticing a little 
further, tlie subject of our religious liberty. To- 
leration is better than intolerance, liberty better 
than either. In the governments of Europe ge- 
nerally, an union between church and state, has 
been considered indispensable to the safety of 
both church and state: and all that dissenters 
from the established, governmental rehgion can 
be said to enjoy, is obtained by the sacrifice of 
civil rights, and held upon the principle of tole- 
ration. But in our own country, the liberty 
which each man enjoys, to worship as con- 
science and inclination dictate, is not tlie fruit of 
mere permission or toleration, which would im- 
ply the 7ight of civil interference^ but is guaranteed 
to us by the very letter and spirit of our civil insti- 
tutes : — it is not the effect of compromise, or at- 
tended with a train of civil disabilities, but is en- 
tered, a prominent article, in the charter of our 
civil rights. 

It has been said that church and state requu'e 
the support of each other: this is true, if it be 
meant that no community can be well-ordered 
or secure without the influence of Rehgion: — 
but that the state can derive no support from re- 
ligious influences, but by means of an estabhsh- 
ment, we deny, and think it sufficient, to appeal 



27 

to our own countiy as a witness to the contraiy. 
It has been in like manner argued, that religious 
liberty, is subject to the abuse of errorists: to 
which we answer, — so it is, — but not subject to 
any abuses, which deserve notice, in comparison 
with the abuses of its opposite. We are pre- 
served from all of the numerous evils of an es- 
tablishment: men are not driven into outrage 
against all religion, on account of its legalized 
abuses: nor on the other hand, are they led to 
regard it as a mere engine of state policy, or to 
profess it hypocritically for the sake of tem- 
poral preferment. The pure, spiritual religion 
of Christ, cannot but be contaminated by such an 
unhallowed mixture: his is the kingdom of Hea- 
ven, and not the kingdom of this world: wealth 
and power of this world's giving, it seeks not, — 
but salvation to the souls of men, as denizens of 
the eternal world. 

We think it therefore rightly judged, (whether 
we assume justice or mere expediency as the 
basis of our decision upon the subject) that for 
the sentiments which any man chooses to be- 
lieve, he is chiefly responsible to God, the Lord 
of conscience; tliat next to this, is his responsi- 
bility to public opinion: and therefore, that the 
arm of civil power should never interfere, ex- 



28 

cept when the sentiments propagated, shall be 
manifestly subversive of the ends of civil govern- 
ment. The right of private judgment, unshackled 
with civU interferences, — the freedom of discus- 
sion — ^the action of mind upon mind, in rehgious 
as well as civil concerns, is nothing else than an 
emanation, from that gi'eat principle which ori- 
ginated, and which pervades our constitution, to 
wit — that God has made men, that they should 
be free and equal. If this glorious fost truth, 
be liable to abuse, — we ask, where is the truth 
which has escaped altogether the wilful perver- 
sion of man ? 

Before we leave this part of our subject, we 
would once more recur, with humble and heart- 
felt gratitude, toward those who suffered and 
bled, in the purchase of these great privileges. 
To them we owe it, that this, the end of the first 
half century of American independence, finds us 
at peace, with our own constitution, our own 
laws, our own governors, our own courts of jus- 
tice. Under the shadow of our civil institutions, 
we are in possession of all the freedom which 
the human mind requires : — our meanest citizens 
are independent freemen: our highest offices 
open to the efforts of the enterprising and de- 
serving: the conduct of public men and measures 



29 

subjected to a severe scrutiny : proper guards put 
upon an abuse of power. As a nation, could 
there be a more brilliant promise of increased 
prosperity than ours? Is not our infant com- 
merce, already extended to every part of the 
knovv n world, until it has excited jealousy among 
those who call themselves the lords of the ocean? 
Our infant manufactures, do they not already, in 
some of their branches, rival those of the great- 
est manufacturing country in Europe? Our popu- 
lation, do the annals of mankind, record any si- 
milar increase? — above all, the brightest star in 
the constellation of American blessings, are we 
not exempt from the evils attendant upon a re- 
ligious domination ? 

Such is the simple record. Who would have 
ventured, fifty years since, to predict such a con- 
dition of society? 

It may be pardoned, if we should still farther 
ask your attention, while we du^ect a few brief 
glances toward futurity. 

When we regard the present condition of our 
countiy, we feel proud of the name of American: 
and in looking to the future, we anticipate for 
her, an unchecked career of prosperity and glory. 
That these anticipations may be realized, may 
God in infinite goodness, grant. Our object 



30 

however, now, is not to predict or describe 
such a career. Questions of greater moment 
press upon our attention; of greater moment, 
because they lie at the foundation of our indivi- 
dual and national happiness. In what manner 
shall our present blessings be secured to us? 
How may the spirit of our free institutions be 
maintained unhurt? How shall our people con- 
tinue happy, our governors disinterested? Is 
there no security against those internal and ex- 
ternal convulsions which have so often subverted 
empires? no way, in which we may stand, equal- 
ly remote from the anarchy of despotism, and 
the despotism of anarchy? 

Let us not deceive ourselves. Nations before 
us have risen, and shone in lustre, but they have 
gone down in darkness: and this has been so 
often the case, that it has come to be considered 
as the natural order of human things. But tell 
me not this: the decline and fall of nations are 
not the eftects of "time's sapping motion" apart 
from other causes; the seeds of dissolution were 
sown by themselves; for the issue they are 
themselves responsible. The wreck of the gal- 
lant vessel, is attributable to the looseness of its 
internal management: the helmsman slept: the 
crew were careless: the anchor was gone: they 
had lost their chief security. 



31 

To come therefore, immediately to the point 
of our remarks. When we assert, that genuine 
Religion, with all its moral influences, and all its 
awful sanctions, is the chief, if not the only secu- 
rity we can have, for the preservation of our 
fi'ce institutions, — we are prepared for the sneers 
of infidelity, and suspicions of our disinterested- 
ness in regard to established religions, which we 
a short time since, avowed. We therefore avow 
once more our sincere convictions — (and we are 
speaking the sentiments of that part of Christ's 
church to which we are from principle attached,) 
we avow once more our sincere convictions, that 
an established union between church and state, 
ever has been and ever will be, — while man con- 
tinues to be, what he now is, — ^the prolific parent 
of corruption in both church and state. What 
we intend by the position just now advanced, is 
briefly this. The preservation of our constitu- 
tional rights, from the very nature of our govern- 
ment, must be entirely dependant upon the sound 
character of public opinion — a source of power- 
flil influence, far greater than that of fleets and 
armies : — the character of public opinion, again, 
will depend upon the kind and degree of reli- 
gious and moral principles, operating upon the 
community : and finally we assert that the ge- 



S2 

nuine effects of the religion of Christ, wherever 
it prevails, — ^\ve mean in its purity — are the dis- 
semination of correct knowledge, not through 
one, but through all classes of society — a high 
tone of moral feeling, — and thus, additional 
strength to tlie bonds of interest, which hold so- 
ciety together. And dare even the bitterest in- 
fidelity deny it? 

That the principles of a pure religion are ne- 
cessary to enforce the sanctions of moral obliga- 
tion, preserve inviolate the rights of individuals, 
and give permanent success to any attempts in 
favour of the great cause of civil liberty, is proved 
to demonstration, by the anarchy in which the 
French revolution so disgracefully terminated. 
The disastrous issue of this attempt, which at first 
shook all Europe to its centre, teaches us one 
lesson of deep import: — it is this : that where the 
laws of God, are disregarded, tliere human law, 
will assuredly be disregarded also: that where 
eternity and future retribution, are believed to be 
mere chimeras, there we shall see the conse- 
quence, in an abandonment of the duties which 
lie between man and man, wherever the dis- 
charge of tliose duties, interferes with what is es- 
teemed present self-interest: and finally, that 
where such moral obligations are overstepped 



33 

with impunity, — there is nothing to prevent the 
unhappy catastrophe; the weak become victims 
to the strong — the powers of government are 
grasped into the hands of a few, or of one — the 
rights of hfe, property, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness, are a prey to the ambitious and designing 
— while the darkness of despotism, that curse of 
human degeneracy, is allowed to envelope the un- 
happy multitude. 

Ai^e we told, that men who acknowledge no 
religious principles, often make good rulers — 
that private and public charactei* may be directly 
opposite to each other, the one, very good, tlie 
other very bad: — a reply is at hand. We would 
ask, whether much if not aU of the excellencies 
of the public character and actions of such indi- 
viduals, be not secured to us, by the force of 
public opinion, and of public opinion alone? and 
whether if public opinion be poisoned by vicious 
influences, we could hope that rulers of corrupt 
private principles, would not carry that corrup- 
tion into their pubUc administration? On the 
contrary, is it probable that a community who 
select their own rulers, and who possess the sta- 
mina of pure principle to guide them in the se- 
lection, will be disposed to sustain in office, men 
who are of notoriously corrupt character, guilty 



u 

of an ambitious grasping at power to the neglect 
of their duties, as public servants? The thing 
is impossible: public opinion must first of all 
become tainted, the people themselves must first 
of all become indifferent to tlie blessings of li- 
berty, before they can forget to keep a vigilant 
eye, upon those who hold the reins of govern- 
ment, lest the possession of power may prove 
too strong a temptation to an abuse of it. 

However therefore, we may value those high 
achievements, those successes in lawful war and 
commerce, that spirit of literary refinement, 
which are shedding their lustre around our coun- 
try: — however we may value the increase of our 
wealth, the abundance of our natural produc- 
tions, and our internal resources and improve- 
ments — we would not look upon them as our 
best national characteristics. To prevent so mis- 
taken a pride, as that which we are tempted to 
cherish, on these accounts, we have but to turn 
our eyes upon those ancient empires, which have 
set in endless night — Babylon, Assyria, Greece, 
Rome! had they no cause to boast themselves of 
wealth, military glory and literary refinement? 
Again, let us turn toward the kingdoms and em- 
pires of modern times, and tell me what they 
now are, in spite of their renown and the splen- 



35 

dour of their arts, and arms, and literature. 
What do we see, if it be not that the mass of 
their population are groaning under the yoke of 
legitimate despotism, the thrones of their mo- 
narchs upheld by the bayonets of standing ar- 
mies, and in many cases, justice a boon, dis- 
pensed only at the option of tyranny ? Aye — 
however we may be dazzled at this distance, by 
their external splendour, when we approach and 
examine their internal condition, the delusion va- 
nishes : we find a putrid carcass, clothed in gor- 
geous apparel: here — the pomps and vanities of 
a court, and within hearing the cries of starving 
hundreds! in a city resplendent with glorious 
edifices, we behold the multitude of its people, 
plunged in debasing ignorance, and given up to 
vice: — a privileged aristocracy grinding the faces 
of the poor, — ^the poor involved in wretchedness, 
a prey to despotism. 

Fellow citizens, we present you this melan- 
choly picture, not because we delight in liuman 
misery, or that we should feel proud of our ex- 
emption, — but that we may learn from it a les- 
son of warning and humility. How firmly set, 
now seems to be the foundation of our civil and 
religious hberties ! how rapid, our progress to- 
ward wealth, internal improvement, science, and 



36 

letters! But was not all this, to a degree, the 
.case of those nations, over whose present calami- 
tous deterioration of character we have been la- 
menting? and why are they depressed — why are 
they not now ready to arise and assert their 
rights? — because — and this is the burden of our 
remarks — because they are demorahzed: and 
they are demoralized, because they are not under 
that influence which emanates from the Gospel 
of Christ. That influence goes to enlighten, to 
purify, to liberalize, to emancipate the human 
mind: — it is the friend of schools of learning, it 
is the enemy of priestcraft: — the cliief lesson 
which it sternly teaches is not, the duty which 
inferiors owe to their superiors, tlie governed to 
those who govern them, — but, the duties which 
public servants owe to the community, — which 
all men owe to one another. Tliat influence is 
friendly to one aristocracy only, the aristocracy 
of kno\^ ledge and worth combined : all other dis- 
tinctions it levels as unfounded, invidious, anti- 
christian. 

This, therefore, is the sum of the matter. Na- 
tions are great individuals: the body politic will 
partake of tlie character of the individuals who 
compose it — and what is the consequence? 
Would we preserve unhurt the energy of our 



37 

freedom, — would we escape the vortex of disso- 
lution, in which have been swallowed up, the^ 
lives and liberties of millions of the human kind, 
who have gone before us — would we maintain 
the elevation of national character, whicli we 
have already gained,-— purity of morals, must be 
the security against public disaster, the means of 
increasing public strengtli. — We must as indivi- 
duals cherisli that character, which as individuals 
we will find to be attended with the blessing of 
God: with every step she takes toward civil im- 
provement, and the cultivation of the intellect of 
her sons and daughters, America must take a cor- 
responding step toward the pure principles of 
religion and morality: — her people must learn 
that a departure from honest, generous and up- 
right principle, is the worm at the root of the 
tree : her national policy must show that she has 
not learned to determine by cold calculations of 
interest, by a balancing the accounts of profit 
and loss, — " the preference of truth to falsehood, 
of humanity and justice to treachery and blood:" 
— but on the contrary, that she believes there is 
a God, who judgeth in the earth, and who will 
weigh in the balances the measures of nations, 
as well as the acts of individuals, — while wo 
shall be upon those who are found wanting. 



38 

But time warns us that we are trespassing 
upon your kind attention. To turn one moment 
toward the interests of other nations: — it has 
been our pleasure, — and a great and exalted 
pleasure it is — -to have witnessed within a few 
years, the increase of light upon the subjects of 
civil and religious liberty. We cannot but be 
grateful, that our own example, has aided, by its 
influence, the almost entire regeneration of the 
continent of South America. — But we are forbid- 
den to enter any further into this subject of plea- 
sant consideration. We bid them, God speed! 
May there be a constant accession of light, to 
that which they already possess: — may religious, 
as \A ell as civil freedom, travel hand and hand 
through all their borders, — and the blessings of 
the Almighty rest upon them. 

There is another land, for whose misfortunes 
we would drop a tear of sorrow: a land, asso- 
ciated in the mind of every man who has pe- 
rused her ancient history, with high-minded re- 
collections of statesmen and orators, — and of 
deeds of glory done in defence of republican 
principles, which wiU be rivalled upon the page 
of history, only by the heroic achievements of 
their posterity. — In her late struggles, despair 
has nerved her with unforeseen energies; enfee- 



39 

bled by long submission — she has encountered 
a foe, ruthless beyond imagining, and inspired by 
a religion, which supplies to its votaries, the 
strongest incentives to an already barbarous and 
exterminating spirit. 

Hitherto in the midst of difficulties, which put 
her contests so far beyond the struggles of our 
fathers for the independence we enjoy, she has 
maintained the battle almost alone. She has ap- 
pealed once and again, to this free people, for 
sympathy, and more substantial assistance: — to 
these appeals, there is lately added another: a 
cry of desolation, from the massacred of Misso- 
longhi. — Wliat have we done for this noble peo- 
ple, as they have, to the astonishment of the 
world, proved themselves? They plead our 
common faith, our common humanity, our com- 
mon desires for republican freedom. — Have we 
learned to count as nought the blood of our own 
fathers? The aid already given, — is it all that 
can be supplied from the fountains of American 
generosity? Oh! no: the imploring look, which 
a Christian people, a people in contest for the 
sacred rights of man, — cast toward our liappy 
country, will not be thus coldly met. What they 
beseech as a gift, we will bestow as a debt: the 
happiest nation under the whole heaven, owes it 



40 

to the most miserable. We owe it to humanity, 
we owe it to the eternal principles of equity, by 
which our fathers fought, and for which they 
bled, we owe it to our esteem for the Gospel of 
Christ, we owe it to our desire to see despotism 
— that putrid member of the world's society — 
cut off, before it shall any further destroy the 
fairest works of God. — On such foundations 
Greece builds her claims for the assistance we 
can bestow, and I feel a confidence that her 
claims will still be met, to a greater extent tlian 
heretofore. We caimot surely, suffer the conti- 
nental nations of Europe, to outrun us in the 
race of benevolence. 

Finally, we commend the cause of the oppress- 
ed throughout the world to the care of a kind 
Providence, having this assurance, that " He who 
is higher than the highest, sees the oppression of 
the poor, and the violent perversion of justice 
and judgment in a province," and will " make 
bare the arm of deliverance." May the liberty 
of body and of soul, on account of which our be- 
loved country, stands distinguished, become the 
possession of all men under the whole heaven. 
This is the grand structure, the glorious temple, 
by which our happy America, is already best 
known — its foundation was sprinkled with the 



41 

blood of our forefathers: to it, the oppressed of 
other nations have fled, and found the repose 
they sought for, within its capacious bosom : — 
the supreme laws which control the dwellers 
within its sacred precincts, recognise no differ- 
ence between man and man, but that which ori- 
ginates in intellectual and moral worth : — the arm 
of the oppressor dares not enter to invade the 
rights of its meanest inhabitant — and each wor- 
ships, as seemeth to him good, the God of his 
fathers. Glorious edifice! Hope of future ages! 
may no evil hand, impair thy beauty, or attempt 
thy overthrow. 

Under the guidance of the holy principles of 
national righteousness, — beneath the banner of 
pure religion, — let America continue her career 
of prosperity. Hail! the land redeemed with 
blood! Hail! the heroes, the purchasers and 
guardians of our liberty! All hail! the Father of 
his country! May thy children never forget the 
toil and suffering, through which their privileges 
were obtamed, but manifest their high esteem 
and gratitude, by striving to secure them! 

America marches onward! she hath akeady 
lifted up her voice in behalf of the oppressed of 
other people, — she has warned away the attempts 
of those who would interfere with the new-bom 



42 

liberties of her neighbouring brethren ! may there 
be no foul blot upon the " star spangled banner," 
under which she has hitherto moved trium- 
phantly ! 

King of kings! and Lord of lords ! smile upon 
the land of our birth ! It has been the secure re- 
fuge of thine own oppressed people ! Grant to 
the dwelling place of Liberty, thy benediction. 



Within a few hours of the time, when this Address was de- 
livered, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson departed this life: 
the first, ahout six o'clock, the latter, about one, of the 4th 
July, 1826. In several respects, these were no commoi oc- 
currences. It is not too much to say, that as coincidences, 
they are the most striking, of all which are recorded in his- 
tory. 

These individuals, were, — rather beyond the ordinary sense 
of the words, — great men: — great iji intellect and acquire- 
ment, still greater for their unbounded attachment to the cause 
of Independence. Both members of the 1st Continental Con- 
gress, — both upon the committee, appointed to frame a decla- 
ration of rights, — one, tiie writer of that declaration, the othcr^ 
its " ablest advocate," — both raised to the highest dignities of 
the Republic, by the voice of the peoi)le, and upon those prin- 
ciples of suffrage, to the firm establishment of which, tliey had 
so greatly contributed, — both retired to the privacy of domes- 



43 

tic life, with the sincere veneration of their countrymen — both 
were called away by the messenger of God, nearly at the same 
hour of the same dviy. These are points of coincidence, suffi- 
ciently remarkable: but how much more remarkable is it, 
that the day of their death, was the Anniversary, and still 
more, the Jubilee, the fiftieth Anniversary of our Indepen- 
dence. 

Of their characters we shall say nothing: except, that what- 
ever opinions may have been formed of some of their indivi- 
dual acts, — their names will descend to posterity, as the names 
of statesmen and patriots, of no common character. 



The writer cannot forego this opportunity of one or two 
remarks upon a subject of great importance to our beloved 
country. — It might have been expected that he would at least 
have noticed in his Address, this most interesting topic, but he 
was withheld by several considerations. Slavery, that dark 
blot upon the history of our country, that incubus, under 
xvhose terrible weiglit, the welfare of the south particularly, is 
depressed, is an evil, in proportion to whose magnitude, must 
be the care, the circumspection with which it is treated. 
There are few wise men, few liberal and enlightened men, in 
any part of our land, who do not rather sympathize with, than 
condemn their southern brethren, in relation to tliis point. 
The evil is more widely and deeply felt in the South, than in 
the North : — and plans for its removal are very fi'equently, the 
topics of conversation. To these facts, the writer, whose lot 
it is to live in the southern section of our union, is a witness. 



44 

Declamation, we ought to be sensible, can be of no avail, ex- 
cept to aggravate and embitter. It is a subject wbich requires 
the coolest consideration. Misrepresentation should be most 
carefully avoided, especially misrepresentation of the tempers 
and disposition with which this important subject is regarded, 
in the South. Precipitancy, will undoubtedly be the parent of 
evils, of the most awful kind, — while a deliberate, steady, per- 
severing union of forces, for the pursuit of this grand object, 
is the only means of removing the evil, and with it the dangers 
of slavery. That philanthropy and patriotism, as well as self- 
interest, call loudly for some efforts to this end, it requires no 
reasoning to prove, and the writer of these scattered thoughts, 
most devoutly prays that the time may soon happily come, 
when our country shall enclose within her bosom, none but 
freemen. 

Wiiile, therefore, circumstances prevented him from fully 
noticing this subject in his Address, he would deprecate the 
idea of a want of interest upon this most interesting and im- 
portant subject. The inquiry, — how shall the evil be re- 
moved — does and ever will occupy a prominent place in his 
thoughts : and, accordingly, it is with the higliest gratifica- 
tion, he has heard of the present success of the efforts to colo- 
nize the free j)eople of colour. The Society formed for this 
purpose, he considers to be entitled to the patronage of the li- 
beral minded of the North, and of the conscientious of the 
South. May the Almighty prosper, what appears to the 
writer, to be the only hope of this country, in reference to the 
subject of slavery. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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